Philippine President Benigno Aquino secured big wins in the May midterm elections, which were seen as vital to his ambitious reform agenda. Aquino now marks the midpoint of his single six-year term as president, and while it might be clear that politics has yet to change in the last three years, it’s less clear the extent to which changes in governance may point to longer-term political changes.

Philippine President Benigno Aquino marks the midway point in his term since he was elected in 2010. Midterm elections this month were seen as a test to his ambitious reform agenda. Photo/Flickr user thepocnews

As early as the 2010 presidential campaign, then presidential candidate Benigno Aquino III together with his vice-presidential running mate, Mar Roxas, had governance reforms in mind when they said that it would take two presidential terms (of six years each) to transform the country from a regime of bad to good governance, to demonstrate that “Kung Walang Kurupt, Walang Mahirap” (“if there is no corruption, there will be no poverty”). The notion was that corruption was so ingrained in the system that six years would be needed just to initiate the key strategic reforms and another six years needed to institutionalize them.

Many discussions of reform list as examples the well-publicized change in the ombudsman, the arrest of former President Arroyo, and the impeachment conviction of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. While these efforts required considerable political capital, Aquino was inevitably subject to criticism of the sincerity and wisdom of his good governance campaign. As Peter Koeppinger, Resident Representative of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in the Philippines, aptly put it: “Corruption is everywhere. In many public agencies, it is organized in networks, making it difficult to break up. The government needs a much more comprehensive strategy to reduce the endemic corruption.”

One of the most significant strategic reforms to which the government itself has committed so far is the Philippine Government Action Plan, entitled “Institutionalizing People Power in Governance to Ensure Direct, Immediate, and Substantial Benefits for the Poor.” The plan is anchored upon transparent, accountable, and participatory governance as a key ingredient to achieving poverty reduction and economic expansion. In this plan, the government is committed to undertake 19 initiatives: two in transparency (including disclosing budget information of all major departments and a roadmap for improving public access to information); five in citizen participation (including expanding participatory budgeting and bottom-up budgeting, establishing an empowerment fund and undertaking participatory audits); four in accountability (including the Results-Based Performance Management System); and eight in technology and innovation. Thus, the Action Plan combines both greater involvement of the citizenry in governance affairs with internal changes in how the bureaucracy operates.

Watchdog functions are not new in the Philippines. Myriad coalitions have organized to monitor the delivery of various government services and public processes. However, the collaborative implementation of the bottom-up-budgeting (BUB) between municipal governments and citizen groups, abetted by a system of national government incentives and disincentives, has the makings of real radical reform. The BUB, first introduced in the 2012 budget process and now on its second budget cycle, is the government’s new approach to the preparation of the national budget to reduce poverty and achieve the country’s MDG targets. It begins with proposals from a participatory planning process between local government officials and constituent citizen’s groups as a starting point for national government agency budgeting to achieve what the government calls “a people-centric budget.” It seeks to ensure that critical and priority local development projects are increasingly funded by the national budget and less dependent on arbitrary and capricious pork barrel spending. The approach strengthens  responsiveness of national and local government programs and processes while encouraging a “me-too mentality” among local leaders for a more transparent and participatory governance. It can be argued that providing incentives for the national government, local governments, and the citizenry, as they all benefit from this new process, makes it more difficult to roll back this reform.

The rearrangement of incentives seems to be the implicit formula for other key reforms. The Performance Challenge Fund and Seal of Good Housekeeping for local governments are complementary programs that set up transparency and accountability standards for LGU and provide incentives for local governments that achieve them. These typify the governance-through-CSO-engagement approach that the current administration has undertaken in a major way. Indeed, it will go even further with the soon-to-be-released Empowerment Fund, a well-resourced private and public fund allotted to projects that strengthen CSO capacity to participate in these reforms and, in turn, build communities’ capacity to demand the continuity of reforms. The fund will be composed of counterpart contributions from both government funds and funds from local financing institutions (LFIs). The fund is seen as critical for the institutionalization of CSO engagement in governance reform. This of course would follow the logic that CSO engagement is critical to the success of citizen involvement in transforming our public institutions.

When it comes to the internal bureaucratic reform, the Department of Budget and Management is effectively the process-keeper of important institution-building elements of the program. These include fiscal discipline (e.g., doing away with undue budget discretion and lump sum funds and enforcing transparency and accountability among “sacred cows” including the military, national security, and the judiciary), as well as allocative and operational efficiency via the Organizational Performance Indicator Framework (OPIF), zero-based budgeting (ZBB), and the Results-Based Performance Management System (RBPMS), three examples of complementary results-based approaches to strengthen and rationalize the government’s public expenditure management.

The administration thus has a strong emphasis on both the supply side (bureaucratic reform) and the demand side (citizen involvement) of the reform equation.

So, is governance in fact changing for the better? While reformers in key leadership positions who know how to use both the technical and political leverage provided by these positions, represent a significant factor that cannot be overstated, the challenge of winning over the middle-level bureaucrats is where the battle will ultimately be won. Needless to say, the challenge of institutionalizing these programs and initiatives remains.

Conscious of the tenuousness of the reform situation, Department of Budget and Management Secretary Florencio Abad has identified the task of resisting policy reversal as one half of the core agenda for the next three years (the other being achieving inclusive growth). In the end, institutionalized change remains inextricably linked to Aquino’s successor, and therefore very much in the hands of the electorate.

Jose Maria M. Mendoza is program leader for the Coalitions for Change Program, an activity under the AusAID-Asia Foundation Partnership in the Philippines, and Steven Rood is The Asia Foundation’s country representative there. They can be reached at jmendoza@asiafound.org and srood@asiafound.org, respectively. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual authors and not those of The Asia Foundation.

There has been some controversy about the quality of the May 2013 general elections in the Philippines, during which some 18,000 local and national positions were elected. But the fairest verdict of this exercise in electronic voting would seem to be that, like in May 2010, elections changed, but politics didn’t. As always, discussing the May elections inevitably involves talking about families and personalities but not political parties.

Manny Pacquiao’s wife Jinkee Pacquiao files her certificate of candidacy on Tuesday, October 2. Photo by Cocoy Sexcion.

When it comes to the nationally elected upper house of the legislature – the Senate – much has been made of the fact that nine of the 12 winners came from President Aquino’s slate, dubbed “Team PNoy.” It’s important to note that from the start, this was not a group of Liberal Party (LP) members – only three candidates were Liberal Party members (and of those, only one had been a Liberal Party member for more than a few months). The rest are from the LP’s coalition partners, the Nacionalista Party, Nationalist People’s Coalition, Partido Demokratiko Pilipino-Lakas ng Bayan (PDP-Laban), and Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino.

In the end, the only LP winner was the newly minted member Bam Aquino, a first cousin of President Aquino with a distinguished NGO career. Other newcomers to the Senate were topnotcher Grace Poe (daughter of the late Fernando Poe Jr., defeated 2004 presidential candidate), Nancy Binay (daughter of Vice President Jejomar Binay), Sonny Angara (son of outgoing Senator Eduardo Angara), Cynthia Villar (wife of outgoing Senator Manual Villar), and JV Ejercito (son of former president, and newly elected Manila Mayor Joseph “Erap” Estrada). The pattern is obvious, and replicated throughout the archipelago for many offices – mayors and governors, members of Congress, and local council members.

In a post on this blog last year, I examined the fate of political families in Philippine history. One of those examined was the Dimaporos of Lanao del Norte, which in 2013 continued their unbroken hold on the province with husband Abdullah (the second generation of the dynasty) and wife Imelda being the two elected representatives, and their son Khalid the governor. Another was the Durano clan of Danao City in Cebu, which in 2013 continued their bewildering internecine competition as brother bested brother and nephew defeated uncle.

As witness the Durano imbroglio, being a political family is not necessarily a secure position. Some prominent political clans suffered a more crushing blow in May elections, with only one of the Villafuertes of Carmarines Sur winning a seat, and that winner defeated his grandfather, clan patriarch Luis. In the Zamboanga peninsula, the expansionist Jalosjos clan, which in 2010 spread from Zamboanga Norte to Zamboanga del Sur and Zamboanga Sibuguey, was rolled back to its one bastion of Dapitan City by allies of the president. Naturally, however, these allies were also established political families, such as the Hofers of Sibuguey and the Cerilles of Zamboanga del Sur.  One scion of a political clan, General Santos City mayor Darlene Antonino-Custodio, lost her re-election bid to a candidate supported by a nascent political force – boxing champion and Congressman Manny Pacquiao. An example of how new political families arise (almost half of all political clans originated after the restoration of electoral democracy in 1986), Pacquiao fielded his brother in another congressional race (the brother lost) and his wife, Jinkee, for vice-governor (she won).

Given this emphasis on families not political parties, on personalities not policy, we should view with skepticism any assertion that these election results, which do indeed demonstrate the continued popularity and drawing power of President Aquino, represent a surge for general reform. The organization of Philippine politics by clans and personalities makes it harder for the president to pursue his central theme of “if there is no corruption there is no poverty.” As explained by corruption scholar Michael Johnston, elections do induce uncertainty in political families (since they are not certain to win) who are appealing to citizens on the basis of favors and personal services. The incentive to accumulate irregular resources is increased since not only do they finance bids for power but they must be accumulated while in power:  “make hay while the sun shines,” as the saying goes. In this climate, where almost all politicking is conducted in this fashion, even anti-corruption efforts can be portrayed as “partisan,” as the insincere attempt by one faction to persecute another.

Reform is in fact possible in the Philippines. For example, the recent passage of tobacco tax increases in the teeth of fierce opposition of some in the industry, will allow better financing of health care for average citizens. But the more general question is, if politics is not changing, can governance patterns change in any sustainable fashion?  That is the topic of next week’s post.

Steven Rood is The Asia Foundation’s country representative in the Philippines. He can be reached at srood@asiafound.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.

These were the elections which many did not expect to see in Pakistan. Despite persistent and widespread rumors right up until the actual day of elections that they would be cancelled or postponed, Pakistan’s General Elections took place as scheduled on May 11. Around 50 million citizens took part in this historical event: the first time (with the new federal government expected to assume office at the beginning of June) that a successful transition from one democratically elected government to another has taken place. The turnout was the highest since 1970, as millions defied terrorist threats of polling day violence, already the bloodiest election campaign in the country’s history, and bravely waited in line to vote. Violence did disrupt elections in a few parts of the country, notably in Karachi, and contests in some polling stations will be re-run. But in the great majority of constituencies, polling took place peacefully.

According to early figures, almost 60 percent of the 86 million registered voters cast their votes in the 2013 elections, and while detailed gender disaggregated data are not yet available, female participation in the electoral process is reportedly higher than in the past. Photo/DFID

According to the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), almost 60 percent of the 86 million registered voters cast their votes in the 2013 General Elections, and while detailed gender disaggregated data are not yet available, female participation in the electoral process, both as candidates and voters, is reportedly higher than in the past. Overall, the elections attracted double the number of candidates compared to 2008, and although pre-poll violence targeted some parties more than others, hampering their campaigning and throwing the “level playing field” into doubt, the issues at stake in today’s Pakistan clearly galvanized an unexpectedly large number of citizens to cast their votes. Civil society organizations supplemented official efforts to register voters, particularly women, and spearheaded voter education.

A young Pakistani voter displays the distinct ink-mark that signifies she voted.

But the greater engagement of the electorate in the polls, the large participation of younger and other first-time voters, the official recognition, among the most marginalized of groups, of transgender voters and the many debates and discussions among friends, workmates and even family members, attest to the increasing interest among the citizens of Pakistan in the political process and to more serious efforts by the political parties to reach out to them. Of course, there are still improvements that can be made to ensure that future elections are run more smoothly and engage an even greater range and diversity of Pakistan’s population. For example, more needs to be done to enable and encourage women to vote – there are still polling stations where no female votes were recorded, reports that women were actively barred in a few areas, and the number of successful female candidates remains very small.

Allegations of poll rigging have been made, and at the time of writing, a large number of cases are before the ECP. It may take time to resolve these, but the evidence of the 41,000 observers deployed throughout the country by member organizations of the Free & Fair Elections Network (FAFEN), currently being sifted and collated, will be crucial in determining just how free and fair the elections have been. But as voters proudly display the indelible ink-mark on their thumbs which prove that they have voted, and many have their individual stories to tell about how they came to vote as they did, one voice lingers vividly in the mind:  “Today I am a proud Pakistani –in spite of all the difficulties, these elections did take place, and that gives ground for hope.”

Gareth Aicken is The Asia Foundation’s country representative in Pakistan and Ameena Ilahi is the deputy country representative there. They can be reached at gaicken@asiafound.org and ailahi@asiafound.org, respectively. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual authors and not those of The Asia Foundation.

In the lead up to the Philippine midterm elections on May 13, the Philippine National Police (PNP) identified 15 provinces as priority areas where there was a risk of election violence. These areas have a history of intense political contestations and recorded election-related violent incidents, which are further exacerbated by the presence of private armed groups, loose firearms, organized crime, and other threat groups. During the campaign period until the day of the elections, recorded incidents of election violence totaled 81, which involved shootings (67 of the 81 cases), explosions, ambush, grenade throwing, strafing, and harassment.

A police officer distributes pieces of paper containing verified names of voters at the Pagagawan Elementary School in Datu Montawal town, Maguindano Province on election day. MindaNews Photo by Ruby Thursday More

The PNP and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) heightened their presence in advance of elections, and also on the day of elections at polling stations and across towns in these areas to ensure peaceful, orderly, safe, and fair elections. They formed a Joint Security Coordinating Center to coordinate activities for the Secure and Fair Elections (SAFE) 2013 program. They sustained their campaign against private armed groups, intensified checkpoint operations, and strictly implemented the gun ban.

The PNP also conducted several peace caravans, a unity walk, media activities, and an information drive. Upon the orders of PNP Chief Director General, Alan Purisima, the PNP initiated peace covenants between rival parties. The Asia Foundation’s local partners were instrumental in facilitating peace covenants in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao.

To help strengthen the partnership between PNP and the local civil society groups in the ARMM ahead of the elections, The Asia Foundation convened top-level PNP officers with Mindanao-based NGOs in a conference to address election violence in Cotabato City in January 2013. The event was hailed as a milestone because it was the first time that civil society-PNP engagement had been this extensive in strategizing to prevent election violence in advance. Aside from a series of peace covenant signings, the PNP and civil society groups were able to identify and jointly implement feasible interventions in anticipation of election-related violence that may occur in their respective areas. Through the Foundation’s support, PNP-civil society engagements included the conduct of regional and provincial peace summits on election monitoring as well as trainings on early warning and early response which led to the formation of several ad hoc groups that were tasked to conduct preliminary and responsive actions to avert and reduce the incidents of election-related violence in close coordination with other deputized agencies of the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) whose duties are to guarantee the security of the whole election proceedings.

This was followed by a Strategic Communication Workshop in February 2013 to assist the police force at the national and regional offices on how to effectively communicate the critical facets of SAFE 2013 and generate public support in safeguarding the electoral process.

Despite prevailing efforts, several issues created anxiety among both the PNP and the local partners as they worked together during the critical pre-election period. In addition to the problems related to the delay in the delivery or possible malfunctions of Precinct Count Optical Scan machines, other practical issues were cited to provoke violence during electoral contests. These included the limited capacity of the PNP to secure some areas where management of security is highly contested; technical problems in the polling process where some allies and supporters of families with rido (clan violence) meet each other in one polling precinct; and the tendency for criminality and lawlessness to ride on election hype that could eventually sabotage the election processes. The complexity of these localized conflicts combined with limited capacity in the state security apparatus accounts for the unpredictability of election-related violence incidence in ARMM, which may then be the reason for the discrepancy in the list of election hotspots provided by COMELEC during elections.

In Lanao del Sur province, for instance, where most towns are included in the list of election areas of concern due to rido, election watchdogs and security forces considered the May 13 Election Day as the most peaceful so far in the history of the province with only seven casualties involved, one of which resulted in death. It is important to recognize that while this particular achievement can be attributed to the strong presence of the civil society, security forces of the 103rd Philippine Army Brigade covering around 40 towns in the province had also acknowledged the contribution of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in the success. Lanao del Sur has several areas – prominent is the Camp Bushra in Butig – that are dominated by MILF. The signing of the guidelines for mutual understanding for ceasefire-related functions on May 13 between the government and MILF peace panels held in April 2013 have certainly defined the ground movement and behavior of each parties at the onset of Election Day, especially in extreme locations where lines between civilians and combatants can seem blurred.

The leadership of the PNP and AFP are one in saying that the midterm elections were generally peaceful. Civil society groups echo similar assessment. However, we do not want to be caught off guard. As much us we Filipinos value our right of suffrage, we put greater premium on the lives of people who have every right to live in peaceful communities. With the counting of final electoral results still underway and the election period still not over until June 12, 2013, the PNP and AFP, together with civil society, remain vigilant.

Nadine Ragonjan is a program officer and Haironesah Domado is an assistant program officer for The Asia Foundation in the Philippines. They can be reached at nragonjan@asiafound.org and hyro@asiafound.org, respectively. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual authors and not those of The Asia Foundation.

Against a backdrop of heightened insecurity and increasing violence in the lead-up to Pakistan’s general elections, slated for this Saturday, more than 43,000 trained, non-partisan volunteers are gearing up to observe approximately 70,000 polling stations in all 272 constituencies across Pakistan. If general elections take place according to schedule, May 11 will prove to be one of the most significant events in Pakistan’s history, and would mark the first time in the country’s 66 years that a legitimate and democratic transition of power took place.

With the completion of the government’s five-year term, Pakistanis have a renewed sense of optimism and longing for change. In the face of serious threats, citizens, civil society groups, international bodies, and political parties have continued with election preparations, resolute that a true democratic system can transpire in Pakistan through open and fair elections. At the opposite end of the spectrum, though, is a powerful and abiding force of terror, the ultra-conservative militants, determined not only to disrupt elections, but to derail the path to democracy, which they have come to associate with all things un-Islamic.

Election observation is a critical prerequisite of the democratic process, ensuring that elections are held in a free, transparent, and non-violent environment, guaranteeing the rule of law, and more importantly, building confidence among citizens in the electoral process itself. The last is particularly vital given Pakistan’s volatile political history, where democracy has been repeatedly undermined by rampant corruption, feudalism, military dictatorship, and more recently, ongoing violence and terrorism targeting secular parties, ethnic and religious minorities, and political opponents, particularly PPP, ANP, and MQM, who have lately been under attack.

Within this political context, safeguarding the rights of voters during elections is an imperative. The Asia Foundation and our local partner, the Free and Fair Elections Network (FAFEN), are preparing election observers and monitors, and have developed a comprehensive, systematic electoral process, from pre-election monitoring to Election Day observation and post-election results tabulation. Election observation is based on historical trends and lessons learned from 2008 election monitoring, such as information on voter turn-out rates, constituencies with low female participation, and areas of high security risk. The Foundation has worked to strengthen the capacity of long-term observers to assure quality of pre and post-election observations, initiate voter mobilization campaigns in polling areas across the country where female voter turnout was negligent in previous elections, and monitor short-term observers.

Women engage in an election awareness campaign at Jamshoro Sindh. 43,000 election observers will be deployed across Pakistan on Election Day.

Observers, accredited by the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), will work alongside international observation missions to determine the extent to which the election processes comply with Pakistani and international standards, including the International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights, ratified by Pakistan in 2010. These short-term volunteers will actively observe polling stations using standardized checklists to document non-compliance of electoral laws, rules, and regulations. This Election Day is expected to have the largest number of observers ever deployed in Pakistan’s election history.

To say that the future of Pakistan rests on these elections is no understatement. Yet the ongoing violence, which has certainly challenged the country’s already fragile democratic institutions, presents a very real threat to voters and election officials despite enhanced security vigilance and planning. Only a strong, defiant voting population committed to asserting its democratic rights can offset these challenges, because ironically, the most effective tool in combating terrorism is a robust and flourishing democratic platform in which citizens are empowered through active engagement and participation, and guaranteed equal rights under the law. Here’s hoping May 11 will begin with fair voting and culminate in strengthened, transparent, and accountable governance in Pakistan.

Ameena Ilahi is The Asia Foundation’s deputy country representative in Pakistan and Ali Imran is a senior program officer there. They can be reached at ailahi@asiafound.org and aimran@asiafound.org, respectively. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual authors and not those of The Asia Foundation.

Late last month, gunmen opened fire on a mayor of a town campaigning for local elections, killing 12 people including his daughter, in what has been the bloodiest attack ever in the Philippines ahead of midterm elections which are scheduled for May 13. Local officials declared the attack to have been motivated by rido, clan violence that continues to plague the southern region of Mindanao, and typically worsens during election periods.

Rido is a Maranao term that is commonly used in Mindanao to refer to clan feuds. The causes of rido vary from petty offenses to more serious crimes. In most cases, political rivalries matched with proliferation of firearms, weak law enforcement, and an inefficient justice system elicit the prevalence of rido in conflict-affected areas. The viciousness of this conflict is characterized by large-scale family involvement in repetitive killings that may span a long period of time. Rido threatens not only the security of the clans but also the safety of the communities that are trapped within the borders of the conflicting families. For instance, apart from the random killings waged by conflicting parties that can sometimes include innocent civilians as casualties, burning of houses and public properties may also form part in the series of retaliatory acts, causing massive internal displacement.

The Asia Foundation conducted a pioneering study that demystified the pervasiveness and viciousness of rido in the lives of ordinary people in several communities in Mindanao. This study has served over the years as a starting point for a variety of initiatives that facilitated the settlements of more than 200 rido cases all over Mindanao. In Lanao provinces alone, the Foundation has helped to mitigate and/or resolve some 40 rido cases since 2010.

Since 2011, through the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development Program Partnership Arrangement with the Foundation, we have had the opportunity to expand this effort and work directly with security forces to underpin peace in conflict-affected areas in the Southern Philippines. Deep-seated distrust shaped by hostile histories of armed intercessions has fuelled tensions between communities and security forces and induced the risk of violent conflicts at the local level.

In September 2012, the Foundation began supporting Community Relations Training (CRT) in Lanao del Sur province, where much of our success in conflict mitigation and rido resolution efforts have indicated very ripe opportunities for collaborative partnerships among community leaders, civil society, the police, and the Philippine Army to improve local security. The CRT is a localized concept, which was originally developed by the Philippine Marines, civil society, academe, and civilians in Sulu to build and strengthen their relations and work more smoothly together in their peacebuilding efforts. CRT has also been conducted and replicated in Lantawan, Basilan with the Civilian Active Auxilliary of Citizen Armed Force Geographical Unit (CAFGU) as participants together with the junior cadres of the Philippine Army.

Above, security forces and community members participate in a Community Relations Training course, which aims to break the cycle of further alienation in relationships between the two groups in Mindanao.

CRT course topics range from discussing the history of practices or traditions of local people, the principal values on community engagement and collaboration as perceived by the locals, and the perspective of the security forces on community relations. The training is flexible, rather than prescriptive, so it can include other topics that are critical to a particular security setting. Founded on mutual respect and understanding, the underlying concept for this initiative is to restore communication and develop harmonious relationships between community and security forces, so that they can cultivate trust over time.

The focus of the CRT in Lanao is on the Municipality of Piagapo, which was selected due to intermittent documented clashes between the communities and the security forces, particularly with the Philippine Army. Piagapo is also believed to be the hiding place of criminal groups that are involved in robbery, kidnap-for-ransom, and car theft in other areas in the province. This reputation has further isolated the communities in Piagapo, which has made it more difficult for security forces to capture lawless groups.  There are certain protocols that must be followed by the military and police as they try to isolate and interdict criminals that take refuge in or near Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) communities. The Municipality of Piagapo is a recognized territory of the MILF, in which the conduct of military operation associated with internal security are guided by certain set of rules that are have been agreed by the MILF and government within the current peace process.

On April 29, 2013, 60 participants of the CRT, composed of community leaders (some of whom are members or sympathizers of the MILF), Philippine Army, and police officers who are deployed in the Municipality of Piagapo and its neighboring areas, attended the graduation ceremony after completing the five-day training on community relations.  The CRT course was put together by a team of lecturers from the academe, civil society, religious sector, Philippine National Police, Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), and the MILF to ensure more context-sensitive and people-focused training program. Topics included concepts related to Maranao tradition and culture, Islamic society, community organizing, Maranao traditional conflict resolution processes, the peace process between the Philippine government and the MILF, the new Internal Peace and Security Plan of the AFP, and the Philippine National Police Community Relations Program.

Through continuous and constant dialogues and engagement, the Community Relations Training courses aim to break the cycle of further alienation in relationships between communities and security forces in Mindanao. In anticipation of May 2013 national polls, when Lanao del Sur will be placed on the election “watch list” due to its propensity for election-related violence, CRT provides opportunities for security forces and communities to create a secure environment for a smooth, and hopefully, peaceful election process in the Municipality of Piagapo.

Haironesah Domado is The Asia Foundation’s assistant program officer in the Philippines. She can be reached at hyro@asiafound.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.

On May 6, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak took the oath of office as Malaysia’s 7th prime minister before King Abdul Halim Mu’adzam Shah at the National Palace. Prime Minister Najib’s coalition, Barisan Nasional, returned to power when it won 133 of the 222 parliamentary seats to form the Federal Government.

After a violent campaign period, Malaysians headed to the polls to elect the 7th prime minister. Photo/Flickr user alanalew

For many Malaysians, there were mixed feelings on the result. On the one hand, they are tired of politicking and want to move on with their daily lives. On the other hand, one cannot help but to be upset with how the elections were conducted in general. Among a myriad of other issues,  the “indelible ink” marked on voters’ index fingers, a new procedure to prevent people from voting twice was easily washable, party workers continued to campaign on Election Day, and various reports of phantom voters persists. While many observers have reminded the Malaysian public that the Election Commission must not be blamed in full for the shortcomings in the electoral process, many still question its credibility, which has in turn put the result of the election in question.

Despite this, brave young Malaysians saw this election as a new beginning for Malaysian politics.

When interviewed, a young voter said: “Leading up to the GE13, in my mind, I did not think the opposition would win. While I felt that they could win more seats in the parliament, I had a feeling that they would not be able to get the seats needed to form a government. And because it wasn’t a change in government, it is currently being viewed as a total loss, especially by the younger generation of voters. With the result of this general election, the government has a lot more work to do to convince the public that they deserve to be in power. As part of the younger generation of Malaysia, I do hope for better transparency and fairness on the elections and the voting process and information that is being put forward from it. There should be more equality between incumbent and opposition parties, in terms of freedom of speech and expression and rights to a fair campaign especially in the press and media. These are all being championed by Pakatan Rakyat with the help of the Bersih movement. I do want to see this change happen, and I believe that our aspirations will be carried on beyond this elections.”

One thing was clear: the real winner in the Malaysia’s 13th general elections is the people. They have firmly entrenched a two-coalition system in the country and have given the opposition votes that would enable them to solidify their partnership and play a meaningful check and balance role in the parliament. More importantly, the voters have decided to end the days where Barisan Nasional enjoyed unfettered power. The younger generation of voters have stood up, and are showing that their voices are equally as important and that they carry weight no matter where, who, and how old they are. And if this trend continues we can look forward to a better Malaysia.

Amir Shariff is The Asia Foundation’s senior program officer in Malaysia. He can be reached at amir@asiafound.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.

Eastwood City in Metro Manila came alive on May 7 as top bands and artists came together, in front of some 200 persons with disabilities (PWDs) and more than a thousand fans for a free concert to encourage and inspire the audience to go out and vote in the upcoming midterm elections on May 13 to cast votes for 18,053 positions (from Senator on down to municipal councilor) up for election nationwide.

PWD band Long Time No See performs at Rock for a Fully Abled Nation to help encourage PWDs to go out and vote on May 13.

Dubbed “Rock for a Fully Abled Nation,” DAKILA, in partnership with Locked Down Productions, Megaworld, Eastwood City, and Jam 88.3 organized the concert. The concert is one of the projects and activities under the Disability-Inclusive Elections program popularly known as Fully Abled Nation or FAN, implemented by The Asia Foundation as part of Australian Aid’s program on Disability-Inclusive Development.

Thousands danced and sang along to hit songs of multi-award winning bands like Up Dharma Down, Kamikazee, Malay, Franco, Soapdish, Maude, Pulso, Turpitude, and Miko Pepito. PWD bands Righteous One and Long Time No See also gave rousing numbers. Sign language interpreters were available for deaf audience members.

In the Philippines, there is no precise and official number of PWDs and PWD voters that can be relied on by government agencies and even disability peoples organizations (DPOs). Most sources use estimates from World Report on Disability conducted by the World Health Organization (WHO) and World Bank that says 15 percent of the country’s population are PWDs. With the 2010 population pegged at 94,349,600, PWDs are estimated to be around 14 million.

Based on the “People’s Evaluation of the May 2010 Philippine Automated Elections of Social Weather Stations (SWS)” February to June 2010 Surveys, 46 percent of the 435 projected households with PWD members had members that were not able to vote because of their disability, mobility constraints, and lack of reasonable accommodation for PWD voters. An additional 409,000 projected households have PWD members who are not registered voters.

These sobering findings became the jump-off points where The Asia Foundation based its disability-inclusive program.

Over the last two years, The Asia Foundation, with support from The Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID), has been in the forefront of driving better participation in the upcoming elections through the Fully Abled Nation (FAN) initiative, a disability-inclusive elections program that increases participation of PWDs in the May 2013 elections and other democratic processes. After an intensive voter registration and education campaign, over 400,000 PWDs are now eligible to vote.

While this is certainly good progress, the urgency now – just five days away from elections – is to make sure that PWDs actually go to vote on Election Day. With every band sharing their personal experiences with PWDs, the concert amplified the call for greater awareness of PWDs’ right to suffrage, and encouraged everyone to be part of the collective voices of artists, advocates, and volunteers to ensure a disability-inclusive May 2013 elections. Video clips and photos gathered over the past two years of implementing the Fully Abled Nation initiative were also shown.

Just like everyone, people with disabilities need a little push to fulfill their right and responsibility to be able to cast their vote. The government, civil society sector, and organizations for the disabled have been working hand-in-hand to make sure that the upcoming elections would be sensitive to the needs of the vulnerable sector including PWDs. Let’s hope this plays out on May 13, and that their voices are heard by casting their vote.

Follow #FullyAbledNation on Twitter for updates in the lead-up to the election.

Emil Tapnio is an assistant program officer for The Asia Foundation in the Philippines. He can be reached at etapnio@asiafound.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.

Just months before Mongolia prepares for its 6th Presidential Elections on June 26, the capital, Ulaanbaatar, hosted thousands of delegates from over 100 countries for the 7th Ministerial Conference of the Community of Democracies. Among the impressive list of influential guests, Nobel laureate and elected parliamentarian of Burma/Myanmar, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, drew one of the biggest crowds.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Mongolian President Tsakhia Elbegdorj deliver a public lecture, with more than 800 people gathered in the Great Hall of State Palace for the event. Photo/president.mn

After the Ministerial Conference, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi stayed for a few more days in Mongolia to share with citizens, including civil society representatives and human rights activists, the experience of democracy in Burma versus in Mongolia, the country of her “ancestors,” as she warmly noted several times during her time here. The highlight of her visit was the joint public lecture, “Mongolia and Myanmar: Path to Democracy and Freedom,” delivered on April 30 together with Mongolian President Tsakhia Elbegdorj. More than 800 people gathered in the Great Hall of State Palace for the event, organized especially for Mongolian youth by the NGO, Globe International, and the Oluulaa Club, and the full lecture was broadcasted live throughout the country. With no seats left, the audience was in high spirits during the two-hour event in which both President Elbegdorj and Aung San Suu Kyi shared their thoughts on democracy, freedom, and achieving change through non-violent means. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi specifically directed her message to the Mongolian youth, encouraging them to exercise their right to vote, while reminding everyone that “voting for free and fair elections is a precious right to preserve.”

She also told the audience that while pursuing democracy, one should always keep a healthy balance between freedom and security as the essential elements of democracy: “we are responsible not only for our freedom and security, but also for the freedom and security of others.” She described Burma’s long path to democracy as not an easy one, full of hurdles to overcome and frustrations to cope with, leaving behind wounds that will take time to heal albeit less time than if a less peaceful road would have been chosen.

Afterwards, many of the young members of the audience commented on how they found her speech to be “simple, profound, and down to earth.” As they said, usually when Mongolians talk about democracy, they tend to use very complicated words, blurring the real meaning of the word “democracy.” One of our Asia Foundation colleagues noted that listening to her simple, yet wise message reminded the Mongolian audience of the very essence and importance of democracy that Mongolia has gained not so long ago, close to the beginning of a new century.

The Asia Foundation was the first international non-profit organization to be invited into Mongolia following the democratic transition in 1990. This year marks the 20th anniversary of the Foundation in Mongolia since it opened its office on October 1, 1993.

The following Asia Foundation staff in Mongolia contributed to this article: Naran Munkhbat, Ariunaa Norovsambuu, Gantulga Yonkhor, Chinkhand Dorj, Solongo Otgonbayar, and Batmunkh Batdelger. They can be reached at naran@asiafound.org, ariunaa@asiafound.org, gantulga.y@asiafound.org, chinkhand@asiafound.org, solongo@asiafound.org, and batmunkh@asiafound.org, respectively. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual authors and not those of The Asia Foundation.

With only four days left before Malaysians cast their votes in the nation’s 13th general elections, both the Barisan Nasional and the Pakatan Rakyat are intensifying campaign efforts to win the hearts and minds of voters. Political giants from both sides of the competing coalitions, such as the incumbent prime minister, Najib Razak, former prime minister Mahathir Mohamed, and opposition leaders Anwar Ibrahim, Lim Kit Siang, and Hadi Awang have all attracted massive turnouts at their campaign events. Thousands of posters and flags cover almost every intersection in the country, with some party workers and supporters being more creative than others, making giant replicas of the scale, rocket, and moon from flags to represent their party logos. Even more creative citizens have also “planted” small flower-like flags around Kuala Lumpur to express their hope for a peaceful “Malaysian Spring.”

Election campaign posters cover buildings across Malaysia. The last days of the campaign period have been marred by incidents of political violence, the highest in the history of Malaysian elections. Photo/Flickr user Johnragai

Amid the excitement, the last days of the campaign period have been marred by incidents of political violence, the highest in the history of Malaysian elections. Reports of arson, threats, and physical and verbal abuse from opposing party members appear in the news daily, in sharp contrast to the tolerant and moderate image that Malaysians pride themselves on. From the start of the campaign (April 20, 2013), a staggering 1,166 incidents of political violence have been reported, with 43 arrests made so far.

Some of these incidents are quite serious. For example, last Thursday a petrol bomb was thrown into the house compound of the daughter of a Pakatan Rakyat candidate for the Sri Andalas state seat, setting her car on fire.
Petrol bombs were also thrown at BN operations centers in Penang, Selangor, and Kedah last week, and a bomb exploded in northern Penang state late last Tuesday near a political gathering of the BN coalition, resulting in a 35-year-old security worker being injured by flying debris. Caretaker Penang chief minister, Lim Guan Eng, filed a police report last Thursday over a text message he received that threatened death against his wife and son if he was reappointed as chief minister.

There is no doubt that the coming election will be the most closely contested in the history of the nation. Emotions are flying high for campaigners, politicians are running at full steam to win votes, and voters are eagerly waiting to cast their ballots. This could all mean a brighter future for Malaysia, if both citizens and politicians can contribute to ensuring that the electoral process is free, fair, and safe where all can participate and contest healthily. From what we have seen so far, Malaysia has a long way to go.

Herizal Hazri is The Asia Foundation’s deputy country representative in Malaysia. He can be reached at herizal@asiafound.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.