The horrific collapse three weeks ago of an eight-story garment factory building in Savar, just outside of Bangladesh’s capital, Dhaka, took the lives of more than 1,100 people, and was followed just last week by a deadly fire in another garment factory that left at least eight dead.

The garment sector in Bangladesh accounts for about 80 percent of the country’s exports and employs more than 3 million people. Photo/Conor Ashleigh

The tragedies have left a nation in mourning, shining a spotlight on the lack of safety for garment sector workers in Bangladesh. These incidents have drawn international attention on the urgent need for better working conditions for workers, starting with safer, more secure buildings.

While these events may serve as an immediate eye opener for consumers and manufacturers in the west, the critical need to improve factory safety in the readymade garment sector in Bangladesh should not come as a surprise. The country has long been under scrutiny because of recurrent industrial accidents that point to poor working conditions and poor safety standards in some of the country’s factories. Voices from within (including international buyers and local factory owners) and outside of the industry (international donors and civil society) have repeatedly called for measures to be taken to improve factory safety.

The death toll of what is one of the largest industrial accidents in Bangladesh fully justifies national and international outcries and the ire of the customers and business community, demanding that strong commitments and measures are taken. However, the worst thing that could happen to the readymade sector in Bangladesh, and to the millions of workers whose livelihoods depend on exports to western countries, is to see the label “made in Bangladesh” boycotted by consumers.

After China, Bangladesh is the world’s second-largest apparel exporter. The garment sector accounts for about 80 percent of the country’s exports and employs more than 3 million people, mostly women. If it is true that cheap labor is the main driver of the sector’s growth, it is also fair to say that this growth has provided economic opportunities to millions of women who would have very few other options to escape extreme poverty. The garment sector, despite what seems like an extremely-low paying industry in western standards, has positively transformed the lives of many women in Bangladesh.

Maintaining the livelihood of the workers and their families should, however, never be to the detriment of their safety. Strong commitments need to be made and measures implemented not only to improve safety, but to make safety and decent working conditions the heart of the industry’s competitive advantage. This is not only the responsibility of the employers; it is the responsibility of each of the players in the value-chain: consumers, international buyers, leaders of the garment sector and professional associations, Bangladesh’s government, the international community, the civil society, and the workers themselves.

Consumers have an essential role to play in requesting information on the conditions in which their clothes are produced and in putting pressure on brands to better control the working conditions in the factories they are sourcing from. Western retailers are, of course, well positioned to press for reform, and to impose good working conditions as a prerequisite for their orders, before considering the price. Many world-famous brands have already called for more stringent labour safety standards. On May 8, the U.S. Department of Labor and the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative convened a conference call with U.S. buyers in Bangladesh’s garment industry to discuss U.S. government engagement to improve workers’ rights and working conditions, and to review how the private sector can assist in these vital ongoing efforts.

The question now is whether these “good words” will translate into effective action with real and sustainable results.

The different parties have already put forward some suggestions and resolutions, including the need for independent safety and fire inspectors, the requirement that factories are certified by a group of engineers, and the establishment of a “Corrective Action Plan” (CAP) which the manufacturer will have to fulfill, among others. Nobel Peace Laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus also suggested in an op-ed in the Dhaka Tribune on May 9, the establishment of a Garment Workers Welfare Trust and of a “good compliance label” that consumers could reference as a guarantee for labor compliance. On Monday, Bangladesh’s cabinet approved changes to the nation’s labor laws that are expected to increase the benefits for garment workers and make it easier to form trade unions.

Another recommendation is to draw from the experience of Better Factories Cambodia, a program managed by the International Labour Organization, in close collaboration with the Royal Government of Cambodia (RGC), the Garment Manufacturers Association in Cambodia (GMAC) and the country’s trade unions. The program aims to improve working conditions in Cambodia’s export garment factories and combines independent monitoring with finding solutions, through suggestions to management, training, advice, and information. In Bangladesh, the implementation of such a program would require four key elements:

• that international buyers join forces with the Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BGMEA) to advocate for the immediate passage of labour law amendments to lay the basis for the establishment of such a program;

• that Bangladesh’s government shows a strong political will to enforce the labour laws and a strong commitment to international labour compliance;

• that workers are more organized (which implies greater freedom of association), better informed and included in the design and implementation of the program, and;

• that the BGMEA, the government, civil society, and labour groups coordinate efforts with each other and with the international community.

Only a large mobilization of all parties can help ensure that tragedies of this kind don’t happen again. All parties need to send a clear message to factory owners that decent working conditions is a prerequisite for sourcing products from Bangladesh, or from any other country in the world. In the near future, consumers need to buy “made in Bangladesh” clothes, not “despite” the bad working conditions of some of its factories, but “because” of a clear commitment of its whole industry to meet international standards.

Sadly, it is too late for the hundreds of workers who perished in the tragedy of Savar, but what better testimony to their memory than to learn from this tragedy and use it to drive safety standards and changes in attitude that will lead to a safer, more just garment industry.

Véronique Salze-Lozac’h is The Asia Foundation’s director for Economic Development Programs based in Bangkok. She can be reached at veronique.salze-lozach@asiafoundation.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.

On May 6, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak took the oath of office as Malaysia’s 7th prime minister before King Abdul Halim Mu’adzam Shah at the National Palace. Prime Minister Najib’s coalition, Barisan Nasional, returned to power when it won 133 of the 222 parliamentary seats to form the Federal Government.

After a violent campaign period, Malaysians headed to the polls to elect the 7th prime minister. Photo/Flickr user alanalew

For many Malaysians, there were mixed feelings on the result. On the one hand, they are tired of politicking and want to move on with their daily lives. On the other hand, one cannot help but to be upset with how the elections were conducted in general. Among a myriad of other issues,  the “indelible ink” marked on voters’ index fingers, a new procedure to prevent people from voting twice was easily washable, party workers continued to campaign on Election Day, and various reports of phantom voters persists. While many observers have reminded the Malaysian public that the Election Commission must not be blamed in full for the shortcomings in the electoral process, many still question its credibility, which has in turn put the result of the election in question.

Despite this, brave young Malaysians saw this election as a new beginning for Malaysian politics.

When interviewed, a young voter said: “Leading up to the GE13, in my mind, I did not think the opposition would win. While I felt that they could win more seats in the parliament, I had a feeling that they would not be able to get the seats needed to form a government. And because it wasn’t a change in government, it is currently being viewed as a total loss, especially by the younger generation of voters. With the result of this general election, the government has a lot more work to do to convince the public that they deserve to be in power. As part of the younger generation of Malaysia, I do hope for better transparency and fairness on the elections and the voting process and information that is being put forward from it. There should be more equality between incumbent and opposition parties, in terms of freedom of speech and expression and rights to a fair campaign especially in the press and media. These are all being championed by Pakatan Rakyat with the help of the Bersih movement. I do want to see this change happen, and I believe that our aspirations will be carried on beyond this elections.”

One thing was clear: the real winner in the Malaysia’s 13th general elections is the people. They have firmly entrenched a two-coalition system in the country and have given the opposition votes that would enable them to solidify their partnership and play a meaningful check and balance role in the parliament. More importantly, the voters have decided to end the days where Barisan Nasional enjoyed unfettered power. The younger generation of voters have stood up, and are showing that their voices are equally as important and that they carry weight no matter where, who, and how old they are. And if this trend continues we can look forward to a better Malaysia.

Amir Shariff is The Asia Foundation’s senior program officer in Malaysia. He can be reached at amir@asiafound.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.

Eastwood City in Metro Manila came alive on May 7 as top bands and artists came together, in front of some 200 persons with disabilities (PWDs) and more than a thousand fans for a free concert to encourage and inspire the audience to go out and vote in the upcoming midterm elections on May 13 to cast votes for 18,053 positions (from Senator on down to municipal councilor) up for election nationwide.

PWD band Long Time No See performs at Rock for a Fully Abled Nation to help encourage PWDs to go out and vote on May 13.

Dubbed “Rock for a Fully Abled Nation,” DAKILA, in partnership with Locked Down Productions, Megaworld, Eastwood City, and Jam 88.3 organized the concert. The concert is one of the projects and activities under the Disability-Inclusive Elections program popularly known as Fully Abled Nation or FAN, implemented by The Asia Foundation as part of Australian Aid’s program on Disability-Inclusive Development.

Thousands danced and sang along to hit songs of multi-award winning bands like Up Dharma Down, Kamikazee, Malay, Franco, Soapdish, Maude, Pulso, Turpitude, and Miko Pepito. PWD bands Righteous One and Long Time No See also gave rousing numbers. Sign language interpreters were available for deaf audience members.

In the Philippines, there is no precise and official number of PWDs and PWD voters that can be relied on by government agencies and even disability peoples organizations (DPOs). Most sources use estimates from World Report on Disability conducted by the World Health Organization (WHO) and World Bank that says 15 percent of the country’s population are PWDs. With the 2010 population pegged at 94,349,600, PWDs are estimated to be around 14 million.

Based on the “People’s Evaluation of the May 2010 Philippine Automated Elections of Social Weather Stations (SWS)” February to June 2010 Surveys, 46 percent of the 435 projected households with PWD members had members that were not able to vote because of their disability, mobility constraints, and lack of reasonable accommodation for PWD voters. An additional 409,000 projected households have PWD members who are not registered voters.

These sobering findings became the jump-off points where The Asia Foundation based its disability-inclusive program.

Over the last two years, The Asia Foundation, with support from The Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID), has been in the forefront of driving better participation in the upcoming elections through the Fully Abled Nation (FAN) initiative, a disability-inclusive elections program that increases participation of PWDs in the May 2013 elections and other democratic processes. After an intensive voter registration and education campaign, over 400,000 PWDs are now eligible to vote.

While this is certainly good progress, the urgency now – just five days away from elections – is to make sure that PWDs actually go to vote on Election Day. With every band sharing their personal experiences with PWDs, the concert amplified the call for greater awareness of PWDs’ right to suffrage, and encouraged everyone to be part of the collective voices of artists, advocates, and volunteers to ensure a disability-inclusive May 2013 elections. Video clips and photos gathered over the past two years of implementing the Fully Abled Nation initiative were also shown.

Just like everyone, people with disabilities need a little push to fulfill their right and responsibility to be able to cast their vote. The government, civil society sector, and organizations for the disabled have been working hand-in-hand to make sure that the upcoming elections would be sensitive to the needs of the vulnerable sector including PWDs. Let’s hope this plays out on May 13, and that their voices are heard by casting their vote.

Follow #FullyAbledNation on Twitter for updates in the lead-up to the election.

Emil Tapnio is an assistant program officer for The Asia Foundation in the Philippines. He can be reached at etapnio@asiafound.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.

Kiki, a registrations clerk at Cipinang Prison in Jakarta, glanced at his pile of paperwork with a degree of resignation. It was April 2009, and he was responding to three summons letters from the prosecutor’s office and the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) for 92 inmates to appear in court the next day. Kiki first had to verify the names against the hard copy prison register of 2,800 inmates. He then needed to locate each detainee’s file, record in a log book the court hearing that they were due to attend, and manually print temporary release letters for the warden to sign. While late in the afternoon, Kiki still had 60 files to go before he could call it a day.

Four years ago, cumbersome procedures were the norm in Indonesia’s 420 prisons. While the country hardly has a reputation for bureaucratic efficiency, its prisons – still following administrative procedures largely established during the Dutch colonial period – had a particular knack for generating paperwork.

The system required prisons to submit 23 forms every month to a provincial office, which verified and consolidated data from up to 63 prisons, which was then submitted to the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, which in turn passed data on to its Directorate General of Corrections. The former Director General of Corrections (DGC), Untung Sugiyono, claimed that even a simple count of all inmates in the prison system would take three months if it was to be accurate. When he eventually got the information he requested, it was already out of date.

For the past four years, the corrections system has implemented a major reform program, a central feature of which has been a radical overhaul of administrative procedures through the introduction of an electronic database system. The database enables computerized sentence calculation, automatic overstay reminders, electronic storage of fingerprint information, and other computer-generated reports. Data from across the country can also be accessed from the DGC’s headquarters.

A prison warden records information about a new inmate into the electronic database system. By March 2013, the system covered 417 prisons (94.5% of total prisons) and housed data for 150,689 inmates (97.9% of total inmate population).

The impact has been dramatic. Instead of waiting months for reports, corrections authorities can access prisoners’ information, including cell assignment, in close to real time. To respond to the daily requests for information on particular inmates, staff no longer have to dig out individual paper files but can quickly access electronic records to respond to queries from other government agencies. Calculation of release dates, including adjustments for sentence reductions, is now computerized, which has greatly improved efficiency. Automatically generated reminders let officials know when prisoners are eligible for parole, or are nearing their release date, so that they are not imprisoned longer than their sentence period. A self-service kiosk allows prisoners to access their own basic files, including their release date, using their fingerprint.

Now, when Kiki prepares inmates for court visits, he quickly utilizes the database to generate an official “temporary release letter.” And when inmates return from court, he checks them back in by simply clicking a box to update their files. Now, checking in 92 inmates takes Kiki little more than 15 minutes. Under the old paper-based system, he would still be going after a couple of hours.

While the database pilot was initially donor funded and supported by The Asia Foundation, early results were impressive enough that the ministry began expanding its installation using state funds. In 2010, state funds were used to expand the system to 18 large prisons, and it proved so successful and efficient that many prisons started finding funds in their own budgets to purchase the needed computer equipment themselves. By September 2012, roughly 143 prisons were online. By March 2013, the system covered 417 prisons (94.5% of total prisons) and housed data for 150,689 inmates (97.9% of total inmate population).

The database includes an SMS-based mechanism, whereby each warden submits a daily head count of inmates, categorized by sex, adult/juvenile, and type of crime committed, to a phone number connected to the DGC server. An application recapitulates the information and sends it via SMS to corrections leadership and the Deputy Minister of Justice. This SMS feature has allowed members of government, parliament, media, and the public to access basic demographic information about the prison population. The data also enables better planning and oversight, as it can be used to assess programs, budgets, and human resource allocations proposed by directorates and prisons. Advocates and corrections officials have used the data to make a data-driven case for increased budget allocations. For example, readily available and accurate data on prison overcrowding can be used to support requests for prison construction.

The database and SMS system have also significantly improved transparency in the prison system. General data on Indonesia’s corrections facilities is now publically available online and is updated daily.

The changes have been tremendous, but they are hardly a panacea for the corrections system’s multiple and complex problems. Overcrowding rates remain as high as 400 percent in some prisons, and conditions are often lacking, including access to clean water and sanitation. Security concerns like gang violence are a threat, and corruption is endemic. The challenge is now for the corrections system to optimize the use of this data to further increase administrative efficiency and improve the welfare of inmates.

Leo Sudaryono is The Asia Foundation’s law programs coordinator in Indonesia and can be reached at lsudaryono@asiafound.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.

For International Women’s Day, the UN declared 2013 a “time for action to end violence against women,” as the theme of the annual global event. In the lead up to IWD, on February 14 tens of thousands of events were held in 207 countries across the globe, including here in Bangladesh, for V-Day’s ONE BILLION RISING – the largest global action in history to end violence against women and girls.

On February 14 tens of thousands of events were held in 207 countries across the globe, including here in Bangladesh, for V-Day’s ONE BILLION RISING. Above, residents form human chains across Dhaka to demand an end to violence against women and girls.

According to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), Bangladesh ranks fourth among the world’s nations with respect to violence against women. Almost every day, women in Bangladesh are subjected to different forms of violence, including rape, murder, acid attack, trafficking, domestic abuse, forced marriage, torture related to dowry, and abduction. Since 2001, there have been 184,422 reported cases of violence, according to the police headquarters. And it is well-documented that most cases are never reported. In 2012 alone, there were 19,617 reported incidences of violence against women in Bangladesh.

ONE BILLION RISING began as a call to action based on the staggering statistic that 1 in 3 women on the planet will be beaten or raped during her lifetime. With the world population at 7 billion, this adds up to more than one billion women and girls. American playwright and activist Eve Ensler, who founded ONE BILLION RISING, said before V-Day: “When we started working on this issue 14 years ago, we had the outrageous idea that we could end violence against women. Now, we are both stunned and thrilled to see that this global action is truly escalating and gaining force, with union workers, parliament members, celebrities, and women of all backgrounds coming forward to join the campaign. When we come together on February 14, 2013, to demand an end to violence against women and girls, it will be a truly global voice that will rise up.”

And indeed it was. All over Bangladesh participating organizations held events, film screenings, made human chains, and arranged flash mobs. In Dhaka, colleagues from our office joined the human chain in protest of violence against women in front of one of the busiest intersections in the capital. With extraordinary solidarity, women and men, from all walks of life, from factory and office workers to reporters and university professors, formed human chains for a half hour from 1 to 1.30 pm in 42 locations throughout Dhaka city, as well as in all 66 districts of the country. The longest stretch of the human chain was formed from Mirpur to Asad gate moving up to the Parliament building, where Parliamentarians and MPs joined together in red shirts, hoisting red flags and banners. Women and men joined across the country in numbers larger than ever before, for a cause that has been long overdue.

In Sylhet district in northeast Bangladesh, The Asia Foundation arranged a special book donation to mark the occasion, including teachers, students, and educational specialists from 38 schools. It was a poignant celebration, with students enacting a mini-play on the theme of child marriage, a gross human rights violation that remains a serious issue in Bangladesh: according to a UNICEF report, 63 percent of all women from 20–24 years old were married before the age of 18. There were also songs of freedom, poetry, and speeches, and a screening of Eve Ensler’s film, “Man Prayer,” translated into Bengali. The program ended with all the audience chanting and vowing to do their bit in protecting women against all forms of violence.

I felt proud to be alongside these men and women across Bangladesh not only to show solidarity but also to stress the fact that women’s rights are not secondary, personal, or isolated. February 14 is not an end, but rather a starting point and a step forward for future discussions and action on violence against women. Organizations can now use this platform to consolidate and coordinate efforts and challenge discriminatory practices and laws through awareness-raising activities, training, outreach, and advocacy.

Eeshita Azad is The Asia Foundation’s head of Communications in Bangladesh. She can be reached at eazad@asiafound.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.

The violent attack on a young woman in New Delhi last December, and the nationwide protests that followed, were yet another indication that India’s youth are increasingly fed up. This case, piled upon countless other commonplace incidents of sexual violence directed at women and children throughout the country, sparked public outcry on a level almost unimaginable until recently.

In the days following the attack, protests erupted all over the capital, becoming extensive enough to be dubbed part of “India’s Arab Spring.” They demanded better security for female commuters, more accountability from government officials, and punishment of perpetrators from the courts.

Compounding legislative and judicial weakness in this area is India’s lack of police capacity. As of 2010, India only maintained 129 police officers per 100,000 people. The global average is approximately 350 officers. Furthermore, as of 2011 only 5 percent of India’s police officers were female, undoubtedly leading to a dearth of female officers available to file reports or respond to rape cases.

The Indian government has since approved a new package of laws designed to prevent sexual violence against women. For the first time, the death penalty can be applied to cases where the act of sexual assault causes death. Also included are laws making trafficking, stalking, acid attacks, and voyeurism criminal offenses. They take effect immediately, and must be ratified by parliament within six months. Beyond the new laws and increased police capacity, what’s needed is a
sustained campaign in order to change how women and children are viewed by society at large (more on that below).

Advocacy groups have criticized the new legislation, calling it “piecemeal and fragmented.” The new measures fail to include some of the recommendations of the J.S. Verma Committee, most notably the issues of marital rape and military personnel and parliamentarians who commit sexual assaults. A number of India’s parliamentarians are currently accused of criminal activity, including rapes – Mr. PJ Kurien, Deputy Chairman of the Rajya Sabha, is accused of taking part in a gang rape incident in 1996. On the whole, the stringent new laws against rape are a step in the right direction, but even more critical is their implementation.

Unfortunately, violent acts against women and children in India are nothing new. The increasing presence of women in the workforce, in social settings, and on public transportation in urban areas has pushed the issue into a more public domain.

Despite more women in the formal workforce, the rate of economic participation and entrepreneurship among women in India still remains among the lowest in the world – but this is changing as rates of education rise. The growing prevalence of women in the workforce is likely to be a source of continuing friction as more conservative sections of society adjust to rapid change. It is just one of many tensions that are likely to spring up as part of the larger rise of India’s middle class.

Laws are only one means of combating the violence that India’s women and children face on a daily basis. To put it bluntly, men will continue to act in violent ways towards women and children as long as they don’t think it is a crime. Sensitization at a younger age is needed – it cannot only be up to women to defend themselves, or to the law to punish perpetrators after crimes have been committed.

The problem requires a stronger element of education, of sensitization and of a nationwide campaign to help nudge those along – it entails a larger paradigm shift, with India’s leading voices up front. Bollywood actors and entertainers have spoken out, but other community leaders could add even more heft to the idea that the burden is also on society at large to change how women are perceived.

Unless the trusted voices of India’s fathers, mothers, mentors, and teachers, as well as leading personalities counteract the violence with education and guidance, nothing will change, and India’s reputation as one of the world’s most dangerous places for women will remain intact.

This article has been republished with permission from the Center for Strategic and International Studies, where it was originally published on its cogitASIA blog. Persis Khambatta is a fellow with the Wadhwani Chair in U.S.-India Policy Studies at CSIS and  Guruamrit Khalsa is a research intern with the Wadhwani Chair. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual authors and not those of The Asia Foundation.

Animation series raises public understanding of the role of forensic investigation in criminal justice administration

Among the array of international television series aired by cable networks in Thailand, “CSI,” “Bones,” and other dramas that highlight the work of forensic pathologists are especially popular. While Thai audiences are exposed to the dramatized investigative techniques applied by forensic specialists working in cooperation with law enforcement agencies in Western and other Asian criminal justice systems, forensic science is a nascent field in Thailand – but one in which major strides have been made in recent years.

Forensic investigation holds special significance in an environment in which allegations of human rights abuse routinely arise in the context of the performance of criminal justice and security agencies in cases spanning sexual violence to national security. These cases include the controversial 2003 “war on drugs,” the unresolved deaths that occurred as the May 2010 political violence reached a bloody climax, and the protracted conflict that has shattered a tradition of peaceful coexistence among the Malay-Muslim majority and Thai-Buddhist minority populations of the Deep South. Public perception surveys conducted by The Asia Foundation and other organizations have consistently found that Thais place considerable confidence in the judiciary, but have less confidence in the professional competence or integrity of the police and armed forces.

The forensic police of the Scientific Crime Detection Centre 10 of the Office of Forensic Science Police, the Royal Thai Police collect evidence at a crime scene in Yala province. Photo/Scientific Crime Detection Centre 10 of the Office of Forensic Science Police, the Royal Thai Police

A number of factors have constrained the development of forensic science capacity in Thailand. These include a short supply of criminal justice and medical professionals qualified to conduct forensic investigation, and resource constraints that limit professional development and exposure to state-of-the-art international practices. The situation is exacerbated by contradictions and gaps in the legal and regulatory regime governing the application of forensic science and the limited communication and coordination among forensic specialists, which lead to overlapping responsibilities, occasional turf battles between the Royal Thai Police and other public agencies with forensic investigative mandates, and other challenges. In addition, media coverage of criminal justice cases tends to emphasize graphic sensationalism over thoughtful reporting, which has contributed to limited citizen awareness of forensic science and its relevance to law enforcement, poor protection of crime scenes prior to the arrival of professional investigators, and weak public demand for criminal justice reform. The situation is especially problematic in the Deep South, where the latest cycle of violent conflict has entered its ninth year and the local population lives in an environment of chronic fear and insecurity. Some of the most serious human rights cases involving insurgent violence and impunity on the part of security agencies have not been prosecuted, while weak or vexatious cases against individuals accused of abuse of authority, insurgent leanings, or other criminal acts are often dismissed at trial for want of evidence to support conviction, which wastes precious resources and reduces public confidence in the justice system.

The Asia Foundation has been working with Thai partners in government, academia, civil society, and the media to support complementary efforts to strengthen forensic science capacity, clarify legal responsibilities, investigate and prosecute human rights cases, and raise public awareness of the role of forensic investigation in protecting the rights of vulnerable groups. A hallmark of Foundation programming has been a brokering role in facilitating dialogue and cooperation among different stakeholder groups, including public prosecutors under the Office of the Attorney General, the Royal Thai Police, university medical faculties, the National Law Reform Committee, Just Rights and other human rights lawyers associations, and the print and broadcast media. Institutions that once operated in a stove-piped manner now routinely cooperate in identifying common challenges and pursuing collaborative solutions.

Limited public awareness and understanding of forensic science leads to misunderstandings, misperceptions, and even distrust of responsible agencies. To address this issue, we recently produced and launched a series of five short animated films [first episode featured below] in cooperation with local partner Tomato Sound Agent and with thoughtful guidance on complex technical points from seven partner organizations. The cartoon series features a patiently good-natured professor who introduces a curious young man and woman to forensic science. The cartoons were originally intended to educate young people about forensic investigation, but have been embraced by adult audiences and government, university, and civil society partners as a practical introduction to the field. The five episodes cover a broad range of themes, including an overview of forensic science; crime scene investigation and collection of evidence; examining and investigating cases of sexual assault; suspected violence or torture by security personnel in arresting, interrogating or detaining suspects; and distinguishing between murder and suicide.

The cartoon series was recently introduced at a seminar on “Human Rights and Forensic Science in Thai Judicial Process” that was convened by Just Rights in partnership with The Asia Foundation and Central Institute for Forensic Science (CIFS). The five cartoons are now live on Facebook and YouTube, with links to popular Thai web-boards. DVD copies of the cartoons will be shared with local partners in government, academia, the medical profession, civil society, and the media. A sixth cartoon on chain-of-custody management of evidence collected at crime scenes is in production. As part of the Foundation’s support for the training of media professionals on forensic science, investigative reports produced by trained journalists will be posted to the dedicated social media sites. We will closely monitor usage and applications of the cartoons and collect viewer feedback, as well. The Scientific Crime Detection Centre 7 of the Office of Forensic Science Police has also expressed interest in using the animations as part of its training of police officers.

Asia Foundation forensic programs are supported by the U.S. Department of State Bureau of Democracy, Rights, and Labor (DRL) and the United Kingdom Department for International Development (DFID).

Arpaporn Winijkulchai is a program officer with The Asia Foundation’s Thailand office, while Kim McQuay is the Foundation’s country representative in Thailand. They can be reached at arparporn@asiafound.org and kmcquay@asiafound.org, respectively. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual authors and not those of The Asia Foundation.

This year, spring arrived a few days early in Bangladesh’s capital, Dhaka, and its advent was a raging bloom. On February 5, a few Bangladeshi blogger-activists occupied the Shahbag intersection to protest against the mild sentence of life-imprisonment awarded to war criminal Abdul Quader Mollah, who committed heinous crimes during the violent 1971 Liberation War of Bangladesh. Since then, the movement has swelled and Shahbag Mor, renamed the Projonmo Chottor (New Generation Roundabout), has been occupied by millions of young Bangladeshis from all kinds of religious, ethnic, and ideological divides. The protestors reversed a decision to scale back demonstrations on February 15 after Rajib Haider, a well-known blogger and key organizer of the movement, was killed outside of his home.

Since the movement started, it has swelled and Shahbag Mor, renamed the Projonmo Chottor (New Generation Roundabout), has been occupied by millions of young Bangladeshis.

It’s being said that the spirit of the protest is reminiscent of ’71, and the manner most unique: there is no central leadership, but an emergence of myriad groups forming their own circles and protesting peacefully in different ways: some are singing, others are reading poetry, sloganeering, holding candlelight vigils, creating flower mosaics, painting murals, drawing cartoons, enacting street theater, and playing patriotic movies on big screens. Perhaps the most significant aspect of this movement has been the emergence and participation of women, from school students to young mothers, and the iconic face of this feature has been the feisty Lucky Akhter, dubbed Ogni Konnya (Daughter of Fire), who has held center stage belting out slogans non-stop. While from afar the movement might look like an enormous celebration, the movement could potentially result in something much larger and long-lasting: an awakening of Bangladesh’s youth.

While at the core of the Shahbag movement is the demand that the war criminals currently under trial by the International Crimes Tribunal receive the highest punishment, it has also opened up space for discussions on subjects that until now were either considered taboo or avoided altogether. These include: fundamentalist forces in politics; secularism; the reigning political structure of divisiveness, unaccountability, and vote banks; inclusiveness and equality of all Bangladeshis irrespective of religion and ethnicity; unification of the often divergent, conflicting and contradictory historical narratives; boycotting establishments run by the war criminals; and most importantly, reviving the spirit of the ’71 Liberation War.

The most fascinating phenomenon of this movement has been the role of the young protesters armed with their laptops and handhelds. Though Bangladesh’s internet penetration is still quite low (approximately 0.4 percent in 2011), the nation ranks 11th worldwide in the number of mobile phone subscriptions as of July 2012. With exposure to multiple sources of information and the freedom to share ideas with blinding speed, the protesters are pushing society to confront and re-examine its values, politics, legislation, laws, and collective memory.

Naturally, questions have arisen about the goals of this movement, where it will ultimately lead the nation, and what it will be able to achieve. There is no crystal-gazing prophecy to answer that and it is probably too early to predict the full impact of the movement. But one thing is for sure: the “Shahbag spirit” has rekindled and enshrined the values of democracy, justice, and secularism on which this nation was founded in the majority of young hearts. The effects of this early spring will be felt for a long time to come.

Guest writer Awrup Sanyal is chief creative officer for Bitopi Advertising Ltd., a Leo Burnett affiliate, in Dhaka. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.

As the Philippines gears up for 2013 midterm elections in May, last week in Zamboanga city, persons with disabilities came out in full force to discuss achievements and challenges ahead of election day. Up until now, this group has been wholly underrepresented at the polls.

Indeed, this election is expected to test reforms that have been implemented in the past three years since the May 2010 presidential elections, including the synchronization of national and ARMM elections, strengthening voting capacity of vulnerable sectors such as persons with disabilities (PWDs), prisoners, and indigenous peoples, and the full automation of the national election.

For over 19 months, The Asia Foundation, with support from The Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID), has been in the forefront of driving better participation in the upcoming elections through the Fully Abled Nation (FAN) initiative, a disability-inclusive elections program that increases participation of PWDs in the May 2013 elections and other democratic processes. According to COMELEC figures, 65,972 new PWDs voters have registered from July 2011 until Oct. 31, 2012, the end of registration period, on top of approximately 350,000 old PWD voters.

PWD voters participate in a mock election conducted by COMELEC to prepare for May midterm elections. Photo/Emil Tapnio

The Fully Abled Nation initiative started in June 2011 and has worked closely with COMELEC’s strong push to increase voter registration and cleansing of voting records. For the first time, COMELEC also used voter registration to capture the number of PWD voters by revising their registration form to include types of disability and assistance needed during the elections. FAN partner organizations, which include disability peoples organizations (DPOs), NGOs, and election-focused organizations mimicked COMELEC’s calendar of activities to help increase voter registration. In every presentation conducted by FAN partner organizations, a satellite voters’ registration was set up specifically to encourage PWDs to register.

To increase awareness for PWDs about registration, we created and aired TV documentaries on two big media outlets (ABS-CBN and TV 5) as well as radio infomercials nationwide. FAN also supported TV sign language news interpreting so that the deaf community would also be aware of news related to the campaign, elections, candidates, and their programs of action.

We worked with Globe Telecom to get out text reminders to their 30 million subscribers for free, reminding them of important election-related dates. They will also provide more than 120 free cellular phone units with prepaid loads to FAN volunteers who will head monitoring of PWDs during the elections.

The FAN initiative was instrumental in the creation of COMELEC Resolution No. 9485 or the “Rules & Regulations for Voting of PWDs and for the Establishment of Accessible Voting Places in May 2013 Local and National Elections.” This was approved by the COMELEC last June 29, 2012. The Resolution served as the basis for the COMELEC General Instruction (GI), which was just released on February 15, and will govern the May 2013 elections.

With voter registration now closed, FAN is shifting gears to voter education to maintain the momentum of PWDs so that they actually go out to vote on election day. Cherry Pinpin, an air rifle competition champion and sailing enthusiast despite being an amputee said: “You as a PWD will be able to make a big change if you were to vote. You cannot hide at home and hope better leaders will come along because the better people to lead will not come along if you don’t vote. Choose wisely.”

Follow #FullyAbledNation on Twitter for updates.

Emil Tapnio is an assistant program officer for The Asia Foundation in the Philippines. He can be reached at etapnio@asiafound.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.

Over the weekend, academics and practitioners from across the U.S. gathered at the University of Southern California for a conference that aimed to challenge some of the bedrock assumptions and rhetoric that underpin the movement against trafficking in persons.

Hosted by Professors Rhacel Parreñas and Alice Echols, and the USC Center for the Study of Immigrant Integration (CSII), the conference “From Prosecution to Empowerment,” addressed how the war on trafficking can be a vehicle for promoting the human and worker rights of migrants, how to reduce their vulnerability to abuse, and how to empower them in the process of labor migration.

Experts highlighted the complexity of the fight against trafficking in persons, discussing issues ranging from the legal framework to service provision, from domestic trafficking to international. A common thread heard throughout the conference was the potential for the anti-trafficking framework to be a powerful policy tool to promote migrant rights and empowerment. But the interpretation of the term “human trafficking” needs to be understood in a broader context of ending all forms of severe exploitation.

Some participants argued that the number of trafficked persons in the world – 2.4 million according to the United Nations – is actually a small subset of the total number of people suffering under forced labor and other exploitative conditions, but only those who meet the legal definition of “trafficked” are entitled to receive a range of services. Moreover, because the Convention on the Rights of All Migrant Workers is among the weakest of all human rights conventions, the potential for the relatively strong Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children (otherwise known as the Palermo Protocol) to protect a broader population of migrants is vast. One interpretation of the Protocol that could hold promise is to focus on the “harboring” aspect of the definition rather than “transporting,” as there are few if any cases of labor or other exploitation where the perpetrator does not confine the victim in some sense.

By moving away from a “transportation” focus, anti-trafficking approaches could also become disentangled from the issue of undocumented migration, allowing a greater focus on what truly matters at the end of the day: eliminating severe forms of exploitation and helping the women, men, and children who have suffered through horrific abuse in fields, homes, and brothels to rebuild their lives.

This, of course, is far easier said than done, as most governments are loathe to acknowledge the need for, much less provide, services and rights for migrant (particularly undocumented) populations – regardless of whether they have been exploited or not. Moreover, the situation becomes even more complicated when anti-prostitution laws and child labor laws come into play.

The perennial dearth of data on human trafficking and forced labor was also a significant focus of attention at the conference. Better understanding at-risk populations, how survivors have fared over time, and how to provide quality services for a broader population are pieces of an emerging research agenda that focuses not on obtaining global figures, but rather conducting empirical, in-depth studies that contribute to a more holistic and reliable narrative on human trafficking.

Of course the discussions unearthed more questions than answers – but these discussions elevated important new ideas and boldly questioned some of the long-held assumptions driving the global fight to end human trafficking. Thus, USC not only advanced this important conversation in innovative ways, but also made new connections among diverse members of the anti-trafficking community. Now organizations like The Asia Foundation have an exciting and daunting task ahead: put these new ideas into action.

Kate Francis is associate director of The Asia Foundation’s Women’s Empowerment Program in Washington, D.C. She can be reached at kfrancis@asiafound-dc.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.