The economy was at the top of the agenda at the 14th ASEAN summit this past week in Cha-am, Thailand. Just beforehand, on February 26, 2009, Dr. Surin Pitsuwan, Secretary-General of ASEAN and a Trustee of The Asia Foundation, laid out some of the issues at the 2009 ASEAN Business and Investment Summit (ABIS) in Bangkok.

In his remarks, he stated: “Others outside are convinced that ASEAN, in cooperation with the Plus Three countries (China, Japan and Korea), will be another pool of growth and a centre of dynamism post-crisis. A new landscape is being developed with multi-centres; no longer dependent on the United States or Western Europe.”
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By Allen Choate

Allen Choate is based in Tokyo as The Asia Foundation’s Vice President for Partners in Asian Development. He can be reached at achoate@asiafound.org.

The Japanese foreign affairs establishment welcomed Secretary Hillary Clinton’s February 16-18 visit to Tokyo with a strong dose of positive pleasure and a tad of uncertainty–even anxiety.

The country is delighted by the fact that Secretary Clinton chose to make Tokyo her very first stop on her inaugural trip as Secretary of State. The visit has also derived considerable comfort from her recent repeated description of the Japan-U.S. alliance as the “cornerstone of U.S. policy in Asia.” Finally, the Japanese public seems very pleasantly surprised by the widely-reported — but still unconfirmed — news that Professor Joseph Nye of Harvard University, the father of “smart power” and a knowledgeable observer on Japan-U.S. relations, has been offered the role of U.S. Ambassador to Japan by the Obama administration.
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by Brad Glosserman and Scott Snyder

Brad Glosserman (bradgpf@hawaii.rr.com) is executive director of the Pacific Forum CSIS. Scott Snyder (ssnyder@asiafound-dc.org) is a senior associate at the Pacific Forum CSIS and The Asia Foundation. This article draws on surveys and interviews they conducted in Japan and South Korea; their conclusions are expanded in the forthcoming “Confidence and Confusion: National Identity and Alliance Management in Northeast Asia”.

Japan’s new prime minister, Aso Taro, takes office facing many difficult if not intractable problems, not least of which is securing a ruling coalition for his Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Beyond politics, the situation is equally bleak, given Japan’s moribund economy, global financial volatility, and a pervasive gloom that has descended over the country. But, based on elite surveys and interviews we conducted in Japan and South Korea during the past year, we believe the new government could make a bold initiative that would pay important dividends both domestically and internationally.
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By V. Bruce J. Tolentino

Bruce Tolentino is The Asia Foundation’s Director for Economic Reform and Development Programs. He can be reached at btolentino@asiafound.org.

Over the past few weeks, as the U.S. financial system has reeled from a shocking series of major “adjustments,” Asia’s economists and bankers remind themselves of the key lessons — painfully taught — by the Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s:  (a) all markets are linked; (b) financial markets are much more volatile than others and thus require more stringent oversight and regulation; and (c) refocusing on economic fundamentals is key to long-term recovery and growth.

Taking the long view, the medium-to-long term impact of the U.S. financial crisis on Asia is likely to be muted.
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With rumors of Korean President Kim Jong-Il’s ailing health abounding, Former Korean Minister of Foreign Affairs and Ambassador to the U.S, Han Sung-Joo addressed packed crowds in Washington and San Francisco at the formal launch of The Asia Foundation’s America’s Role in Asia.  Ambassador Han asked: “The question is, is North Korea more or less likely to give up its nuclear weapons if there is a government change; or, if Mr. Kim Jong Il becomes incapacitated, is North Korea going to become more or less dangerous than now?”  At both the National Press Club and the Cosmos Club in Washington, DC, and at the Four Seasons in San Francisco, Ambassador Han addressed policymakers, Asian and U.S. diplomats, executives, journalists and philanthropists.
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By John Brandon

John Brandon is Director of The Asia Foundation’s International Relations program and head of America’s Role in Asia.

With our election cycle, every four years American foreign policy has a fresh opportunity to be re-examined and re-strategized. Come 2009, U.S. policy towards Asia will continue to directly affect 60% of the world’s population. Many Asians tell me they’re concerned that decisions affecting them, and their countries’ security, are being made unilaterally in Washington. Many say they believe the Global War on Terror tops the U.S. foreign policy agenda, trumping all else. Asian policymakers I’ve spoken to say repeatedly they have little input in decisions made in the U.S. and that their domestic interests are rarely if ever taken into account. Given the political, economic, and security interests of the U.S. in the region, it is essential that both Americans and Asians contribute to solving problems of mutual concern.
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By Surin Pitsuwan

This is an exclusive excerpt from Dr. Surin Pitsuwan’s electronic journal, edited for The Asia Foundation and In Asia, following his first 100 days in office as Secretary-General of The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Dr. Surin is a Trustee of The Asia Foundation. His personal views do not reflect those of The Asia Foundation.

The first trip out is Singapore, January 8. The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies organized its annual conference, “East Asian Outlook.” Then it was meeting the ASEAN Cultures Minister in Myanmar and after that the ASEAN Tourism Minister. Then the ASEAN senior officials meeting, and then, before I could return for a fresh set of clothes in either Jakarta or Bangkok, the ASEAN Standing Committee retreat in Brunei.

The World Economic Forum in Switzerland came before I could regain my composure from all the flying and airline meals. The leaders of ASEAN, led by the current Chair, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong of Singapore, brought ASEAN to the world stage, high in the Swiss Alps. It was a swift operation. We swooped into the Davos Conference Center, put on our show, drove down the slippery slopes of the High Alps to Zurich, and flew off to our separate destinations. I think we left a very strong impression among the snow-bound power players of the world.
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By Roderick Brazier

Roderick Brazier is The Asia Foundation’s Country Representative in Cambodia. In the 1990s he worked in the Australian Prime Minister’s Department.

The Australian federal election on November 24 ended more than 11 years of rule by the conservative coalition of Liberal and National parties led by John Howard. The new Labor party government is headed by Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, a former diplomat and senior state government official with an intimate understanding of both domestic and foreign policy.

What can Asia expect from Kevin Rudd and his government? For three reasons, Australia’s foreign policy in Asia will remain largely unchanged.
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By Barnett F. Baron

A summary of an address delivered at the American Bar Association’s Business Law Section Annual Meeting, San Francisco, August 2007. Barnett Baron is The Asia Foundation’s Executive Vice President.

In 2009, Japan will introduce a jury system in its courts. For the new system to work, Japanese will have to overcome deep-rooted cultural obstacles, including a reluctance to express opinions in public, to argue with one another, or to question authority. Polls show that more than 80 percent of the Japanese public are dreading the change and do not want to serve as jurors.  This example illustrates some of the key features underlying public attitudes towards law, government, citizen responsibility and, by extension, the nonprofit sector in East Asia as compared to the United States.
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By John Brandon

John Brandon, a Southeast Asia specialist, is Director of The Asia Foundation’s International Relations Programs.  In 2007, Mr. Brandon is managing the “East Asia Community Building” project to examine the prospects for a community so that the processes, motives, and impact on Asia and U.S.-Asian relations can be fully understood. 

At the end of the Cold War, although the U.S. served as an anchor for Asian economies and was the top export destination for the majority of Asian nations, the countries of East Asia believed the United States looked at the region with “benign neglect” or indifference. Shortly afterwards, former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammad proposed an East Asia Economic Caucus that would comprise just Asian nations, but given U.S. objections, the proposed grouping was considered anti-western and a potential trading bloc. Thus, it never materialized.  For a five year period, the idea of creating some form of East Asian community remained dormant until the Asian financial crisis in 1997-1998. 
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