By Harry Harding

Harry Harding is a University Professor of International Affairs at The George Washington University and a Trustee of The Asia Foundation. He wrote “China Policy for the Next U.S. Administration,” a chapter in The Asia Foundation’s newly-released “America’s Role in Asia,” and recently attended a Thai-US Think Tank Summit in Bangkok where he spoke on the U.S.-Southeast Asia relationship.

Now that the U.S. presidential election is over, the incoming Obama administration will begin a reconsideration of American foreign policy.  Numerous urgent issues will compete for attention, including Iraq, Afghanistan, Iran, North Korea, and the parlous state of the global economy.  But consideration of these urgent matters should not come at the expense of issues that, while perhaps less immediate, are no less important.  One of these is the American relationship with Southeast Asia.

There is a widely shared view, both in Southeast Asia and in the Asian policy community in the U.S., that the United States has been paying insufficient attention to the region. In introducing the Southeast Asia section of the Asia Foundation’s recently-released America’s Role in Asia report at a press conference in Washington last month Tommy Koh, Ambassador-At-Large at Singapore’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Chairman of the Institute of Policy Studies, complained that Washington has been treating Southeast Asia with “benign neglect,” perhaps because the region has presented the U.S. with neither significant challenges nor great opportunities.
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By Robin Bush

Robin Bush is The Asia Foundation’s Deputy Country Representative in Indonesia. Below is a summary of remarks she delivered while on a panel Tuesday on Human Development and Social Change Dialogue at the 2008 U.S.-Islamic World Regional Forum in Kuala Lumpur, co-sponsored by The Asia Foundation, the Saban Center at the Brookings Institution, and ISIS. She can be reached at rbush@tafindo.org.

“Human Development” as a concept stands at the center of a vast array of development funding and policy initiatives – and in its broadest sense encompasses indicators of life expectancy, education, gross national product etc.., as well as environmental quality, effective governance, and freedom. For a full elaboration I refer you to the excellent discussion paper on this topic produced by Hady Amr for the 2008 Doha US-Islamic World Forum.

Let’s look at education, because, when one looks at Islamic schools and Islamic education in the region, one can observe a fascinating dualism: in many areas, Islamic education is the poorest in quality and serves the poorest demographics; at the same time, there are Islamic schools and institutions that are centers of excellence, which function as a bridge or vehicle for lifting the human development indicators of entire communities around them.
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By V. Bruce J. Tolentino

Bruce Tolentino is The Asia Foundation’s Director for Economic Reform and Development Programs. On Tuesday, he spoke at the 2008 U.S.-Islamic World Regional Forum in Malaysia, co-sponsored by The Asia Foundation, the Saban Center at the Brookings Institution, and ISIS. Below is an excerpt of his remarks delivered on a panel about Trade and Investment Dialogue. He can be reached at btolentino@asiafound.org.

Discussed at the U.S.-Islamic World Forum this week, in Kuala Lumpur, were lessons that could be learned by the Islamic world – particularly the Middle East - from the experience in economic integration of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).  The discussion immediately made it apparent that ASEAN’s performance in economic integration may be assessed as “good” or “not so good” – depending on the specific aspect(s) being measured, and the metric being applied.

Usually, we think of economic integration in terms of measures of trade and financial flows – and by these relatively narrow measures, ASEAN has been successful. 
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By Gordon Hein

Gordon Hein is The Asia Foundation’s Vice President for Programs. Below are his welcoming remarks at the 2008 U.S.-Islamic World Regional Forum on Monday in Kuala Lumpur, co-sponsored by The Asia Foundation, the Saban Center at the Brookings Institution, and ISIS. He can be reached at ghein@asiafound.org.

Since the U.S.-Islamic World Forum’s launch by the Saban Center at the Brookings Institution in 2004, it has made important contributions to dialogue and understanding, and has served as a catalyst for action among organizations from many countries. It is our belief – and our hope – that by holding this conference in Southeast Asia, we can add an additional, vital element to the dialogue that can make it even richer, deeper, and more successful that it has been to date. For this opportunity, I would like to express our gratitude to Ambassador Martin Indyk and his staff at the Saban Center. We are also pleased to be co-sponsoring this event with ISIS, the Institute of Strategic and International Studies here in Kuala Lumpur – led by Tan Sri Mohamed Jawhar Hassan. ISIS is an organization that has contributed so much over the years not only to Malaysia, but to the Asia-Pacific region as a whole, and it’s an organization with which The Asia Foundation has had a long and fruitful history of cooperation.
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By Tommy Koh

Tommy Koh is Ambassador-At-Large at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Singapore, and Chairman of the Institute of Policy Studies and the National Heritage Board. He was one of the three Asian co-chairs for the recently released book, America’s Role in Asia: Asian and American Views. Below is an excerpt from his chapter, which provides recommendations for a new U.S.  administration’s foreign policy towards the Southeast Asia region.

The peoples of Southeast Asia are following the 2008 U.S. presidential elections with great attention and admiration, given the open and transparent primary processes. America’s real and vibrant democracy is reflected in the competing candidates’ travels to every corner of the country to win the hearts and minds of voters. This illustrates that the highest office of the land can neither be secured by wealth nor pedigree and, this year especially, neither race nor gender is an insurmountable obstacle. Consequently, in some parts of the world, including Southeast Asia, anti-Americanism has been balanced by a respect for America’s current exercise of democracy.

Thus, every region of the world wants America’s attention; the only question is whether American attention is positive or negative. Washington’s nature is to focus attention on the largest countries, regions, and economies, which can pose a threat to American interest or to international peace and security. By these standards, Southeast Asia — a region largely at peace — does not receive the positive attention it deserves. Read More…

By Surin Pitsuwan

This is an exclusive excerpt from Dr. Surin Pitsuwan’s electronic journal, edited for The Asia Foundation and In Asia, following his first 100 days in office as Secretary-General of The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Dr. Surin is a Trustee of The Asia Foundation. His personal views do not reflect those of The Asia Foundation.

The first trip out is Singapore, January 8. The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies organized its annual conference, “East Asian Outlook.” Then it was meeting the ASEAN Cultures Minister in Myanmar and after that the ASEAN Tourism Minister. Then the ASEAN senior officials meeting, and then, before I could return for a fresh set of clothes in either Jakarta or Bangkok, the ASEAN Standing Committee retreat in Brunei.

The World Economic Forum in Switzerland came before I could regain my composure from all the flying and airline meals. The leaders of ASEAN, led by the current Chair, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong of Singapore, brought ASEAN to the world stage, high in the Swiss Alps. It was a swift operation. We swooped into the Davos Conference Center, put on our show, drove down the slippery slopes of the High Alps to Zurich, and flew off to our separate destinations. I think we left a very strong impression among the snow-bound power players of the world.
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By Jeremy Gross

Jeremy Gross is The Asia Foundation’s Election Program Manager in Indonesia. He can be reached at jeremy@tafindo.org.

Historians and political scientists are long used to identifying the key ingredients in the making of revolutions - price hikes, splits in the elite, repression - all waiting for a magic trigger to unite and ignite a radical change in political systems.

Perhaps there is now a new trigger for change forcing an overhaul if not overturn of political establishments: the Internet. And, potentially the Internet can have a more powerful impact than the traditional chant and blockade style revolution, which often results in counter-revolutions, messy politics and bloodied bodies on the street.
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By Anthea Mulakala

Anthea Mulakala is The Asia Foundation’s Country Representative in Malaysia. She can be reached at amulakala@asiafound.org.

The Economist last week featured a telling pie chart on Malaysia’s 12th general election results. It revealed, without analysis, that Malaysia’s Barisan National (BN) coalition has the electorate in Sabah and Sarawak to thank for saving its narrow majority in parliament. While the BN was toppled in key states like Penang and Selangor, there was barely a ripple in voter trends in Malaysia’s eastern most states. Almost all BN candidates in both states won with a solid majority. The BN has been the ruling coalition in Malaysia since 1974, though its dominant party the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) has been in the governing seat since independence in 1957.

These often ignored states are now enjoying the limelight as kingmakers for the BN and are well placed to cash in on the attention.
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By Herizal Hazri

Herizal Hazri is a Consultant for The Asia Foundation in Malaysia.

Although generally perceived by Malaysians to be ignorant on political issues, young people — 21 to 35-year-olds — account for nearly 45% of all eligible voters in Malaysia and could soon become the primary force in determining the issues and discourse of public policy and debate in the country.

It is in this context that a survey by Merdeka Center and The Asia Foundation was formulated – to uncover and examine the opinions and expectations of Malaysia’s younger voters for a wider audience, with the intention of sparking interest and attention among policy makers and community leaders. Last year was the first time this poll was conducted. The second poll was just completed, providing a chance to compare and contrast the data against current events in the country.
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By Carolyn Mercado with Steven Rood

Carolyn Mercado is a Senior Program Officer and Steven Rood is The Asia Foundation’s Country Representative in the Philippines.

On Tuesday, November 20th, the leaders of the 10 Association of Southeast Nations (ASEAN) countries attending the 13th ASEAN Summit in Singapore signed the first-ever ASEAN Charter. Article 14 addresses human rights:

ARTICLE 14: ASEAN HUMAN RIGHTS BODY
1. In conformity with the purposes and principles of the ASEAN Charter relating to the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, ASEAN shall establish an ASEAN human rights body.
2. This ASEAN human rights body shall operate in accordance with the terms of reference to be determined by the ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meeting.
While any mention of human rights in the ASEAN charter can be read as progress, clearly the details of implementation remain to be filled in.

The Working Group for an ASEAN Human Rights Mechanism was formed more than a decade ago, in 1995, when human rights advocates from ASEAN countries formally banded together to pursue the creation of an inter-governmental human rights body in the region. A decade of patient and somewhat tedious labor seems finally to have borne some fruit in the new ASEAN Charter.
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