By Birger Stamperdahl

In the farmland regions of Pakistan’s southern Punjab, what used to be fields are now covered with water. Acknowledged as the worst humanitarian crisis in Pakistan’s history, flooding that began three weeks ago in northwestern Pakistan has now displaced more than 20 million people.

Pakistani families carry their belongs in search of higher ground. Over the past three weeks, more than 20 million people have been displaced from flooding. Photo credit: Daniel Berehulak/Getty Images

Bringing together Give2Asia’s private donor community and The Asia Foundation’s program expertise in Pakistan, the two organizations are working to attract much-needed philanthropy and aid for flood survivors.
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By Erik G. Jensen

In the larger debate about the relationship of development assistance to security, the gap between normative assertions and empirical evidence yawns. Since the 1990s, the concept of “rule of law” has been enthusiastically embraced by international development actors and touted as the key to consolidating peace in post-conflict societies. Rhetorical overuse of the term has been matched by a proliferation of rule of law programs purporting to cover everything from legislative, judicial, and police reforms to land and property administration and market reforms. These programs, with their oversized ambitions, rely on a contested definition of what constitutes rule of law and what can be accomplished through international assistance. Such cookie-cutter, pre-packaged rule of law programs are unfortunately routinely favored over more strategic and carefully designed programs that apply very specifically to country and local-level environments and people’s needs on the ground. And much of development funding tends to go to formal institutions like judiciaries that are assumed to have the capacity and strength to deliver positive development outcomes. Unfortunately, that’s often not the case, especially in many developing countries where formal institutions are run by the elite, and local conflicts are more reliably resolved in informal institutions.
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Conflict and fragile governance present enormous challenges for development and security in Asia. In places where violence is widespread and government ceases to function, the pace of development falls dramatically and conditions can deteriorate to extreme levels. Conflicts often include disaffected minorities or marginalized populations at odds with the central government and political establishment. Other elements that can heighten conflicts include limitations on local identity and culture, a lack of accounting for past abuses, and poor access to justice and security.

The Asia Foundation has a long history of working in fragile or conflict-prone areas, including in Afghanistan, Mindanao (Philippines), Nepal, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Aceh (Indonesia), Southern Thailand, and Timor-Leste. Our long-term presence and extensive networks allow us to interact with key actors and support programs in highly challenging and sensitive environments.  Watch the slideshow.

By Kim McQuay

There is an instant before the start of a large event when, with logistical arrangements set and the agenda fine tuned, attention shifts to participants. One draws a breath and wonders what the chemistry of personalities, perspectives, and experience will yield. So I reflected at the start of last week’s regional conference on the role of leaders of influence in national development efforts in Dhaka. Over 80 participants representing 14 South, Southeast, and Central Asian nations sat in country teams, a human landscape of traditional white and saffron robes, capes, and headscarves, elegant saris and shalwar kameez, colorful batiks, and jackets and ties. Microphones crackled to life from the podium, and the session began.

Convened by The Asia Foundation and USAID, the conference provided a forum where those gathered could share views and experience drawn from different country contexts and working environments.
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Upon their return from the Leaders of Influence (LOI) regional conference in Dhaka March 21-24 that convened over 80 participants from 14 countries, In Asia spoke with Rosita MacDonald, program officer for The Asia Foundation’s Governance, Law, and Civil Society program, and Russell Pepe, chief of party for the LOI program in Bangladesh, on what they heard.

Q: Was there a sense from conference participants that progress has been made since U.S. President Obama’s much-heralded Cairo speech last year in which he declared the U.S.’s commitment to reengage with the Muslim community?

Rosita MacDonald: There was a lot of talk from the U.S. delegation about the shift to enhanced engagement with the Muslim community as well as with other religious communities. This point was acknowledged by several of the delegates, but they also made the point that the U.S. needs to be more effective in its public diplomacy efforts in Asia and to highlight tangible examples of engagement with, and support for, the Muslim world. There is optimism to be sure, but still a lot of uncertainty as to what this “engagement” actually involves and how deep it runs.

Russell Pepe: Participants were encouraged by President Obama’s speech, but several also expressed a need to see more concrete actions. LOI was cited as a very good example of how the U.S. can support a wider engagement with the Muslim community, and can effectively build bridges between different faiths and secular groups.
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When President Obama declared in his Cairo speech last year “Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments, community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life,” a new sense of optimism charged those dedicated to building bridges between the two communities.

In direct response to President Obama’s call for greater engagement and his Global Engagement Initiative in which the United States has committed to work with Muslim-majority countries to advance democracy and development, USAID and The Asia Foundation convened a regional conference in Dhaka, Bangladesh, March 21-24 that attracted nearly 70 religious and traditional leaders from 14 countries to candidly exchange views and ideas on the critical role that “leaders of influence” play in promoting positive change in their communities and the power they have to affect national development.
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By Mohammad Bashir and Elizabeth Grant

Humaira Aman* was born in Kabul, and along with thousands of other Afghans, was forced to relocate to a refugee camp in Pakistan after the Russian occupation of Afghanistan in the late 1970s. While relocated in Peshawar, she pursued a medical education at a local university for three years. However, in 1997, the Taliban decreed that the university shut down, and Humaira was forced to put her studies on hold. Several years later, seeking any opportunity to continue her education, Humaira enrolled in Gawhar Shad University, an institution established by the Afghan Institute of Learning (AIL) in Peshawar. In 2006 she received a bachelor’s degree in computer science, and subsequently became the first woman assistant lecturer invited to teach at the university. Four months ago, Humaira returned to Kabul to work with AIL and assist in their mission to provide education, training, and health services to women, children, and other disenfranchised groups throughout Afghanistan.
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By Nadia Tariq Ali

The status of women has long been a source of political controversy in Pakistan. The country’s former military ruler, General Zia ul-Haq, enforced the draconian Hudood Ordinance in 1979, launching his infamous Islamization program that created tremendous hardships for women living in Pakistan. For example, it is well-documented that many unfortunate women who were raped during that period were convicted of adultery. At the same time, many of the criminals, who committed such crimes, exploited legal loopholes and went free.

But it was not some democratic political administration that eventually provided the antidote to Zia’s rule of disaster.
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By Shahid Fiaz and Mahvish Innayat

Pakistan is signatory to eight international human rights conventions, four of which have been ratified. Despite these legal achievements, the reality of the current state of human rights in Pakistan remains bleak, according to Amnesty International’s latest State of the World’s Human Rights report. Prison torture, deaths in custody, attacks on minorities, forced disappearances, honor killings, and domestic violence persist.

Yet, Pakistan is well-known for its robust electronic and print media, which has emerged as a mouthpiece for its citizens to voice concerns about governance, democracy, and human rights. Pakistani journalists are at the forefront of covering human rights abuses – whether a military operation or barring girls from attending schools.
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President Obama will wrap up his Asia trip with a visit to South Korea today, where negotiations over North Korea’s nuclear ambitions will undoubtedly be high on the list of talking points. Perhaps not on the agenda, but on the minds of both leaders are the mounting development challenges around the globe.

To address such challenges, The Asia Foundation, in cooperation with KDI School of Public Policy and Management and the Korean Association of International Development and Cooperation, will hold a conference November 24-25 in Seoul to focus on development issues and strategies in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Pakistan.
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