By Mohammad Bashir and Elizabeth Grant

Humaira Aman* was born in Kabul, and along with thousands of other Afghans, was forced to relocate to a refugee camp in Pakistan after the Russian occupation of Afghanistan in the late 1970s. While relocated in Peshawar, she pursued a medical education at a local university for three years. However, in 1997, the Taliban decreed that the university shut down, and Humaira was forced to put her studies on hold. Several years later, seeking any opportunity to continue her education, Humaira enrolled in Gawhar Shad University, an institution established by the Afghan Institute of Learning (AIL) in Peshawar. In 2006 she received a bachelor’s degree in computer science, and subsequently became the first woman assistant lecturer invited to teach at the university. Four months ago, Humaira returned to Kabul to work with AIL and assist in their mission to provide education, training, and health services to women, children, and other disenfranchised groups throughout Afghanistan.
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By Susan Marx

Since the London conference on Afghanistan last month, there has been a growing buzz among women’s rights activists about the continued perception that women are absent from policy decisions in Afghanistan, most recently at the negotiating table with the Taliban. To better understand these concerns, it is perhaps prudent to take a step back and decipher the complexities surrounding women’s access to justice and political participation in Afghanistan.
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By Karl F. Inderfurth and Chinmaya R. Gharekhan

The 68-nation London conference at the end of this month will focus on the future of Afghanistan, against the backdrop of major new military commitments by the United States and NATO, promises from the international community of increased civilian assistance, and pledges of new anti-corruption measures from President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan.

But assuring Afghanistan’s future will require more than a military and civilian surge and better Afghan governance. A diplomacy surge is also required. Specifically, in the words of a recent statement signed by 20 former foreign ministers led by Madeleine K. Albright, “there needs to be a regional solution to Afghanistan’s problems.”
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By Najla Ayubi

“I operate daily under extremely dangerous situations in the south and southwest regions of Afghanistan, especially in Helmand Province. While there, I am expected to be completely covered in a Burqa and am advised to not carry a women’s style handbag or laptop bag. My phone should be off so that it is never heard ringing. Shaking hands with men is a taboo and talking directly about women’s rights could be punishable by death. However, the secret behind my success is that I am educated and have established contacts with local elders – and I abide by all these conditions. This is why I am able to run my development projects successfully,” said an Afghan woman who recently spoke to me on condition of anonymity due to security concerns.
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By Mohammad Bashir and Alma Freeman

At the foot of the Khyber Pass, Peshawar is on the front lines of Pakistan’s war against militants. In one recent month, 221 people were killed and nearly 500 wounded in bombings. Many more lives have been lost on the trek from Peshawar through the Pass to reach Afghanistan’s Jalalabad.

It is this route that containers of 15,000 books – sent from a warehouse in San Leandro, California – must take to reach Kabul, and finally to outlying areas throughout Afghanistan. The route is fraught with great travel obstacles – bureaucratic, logistical, and physical challenges abound – and perseverance is a necessity, as reaching Kabul can take from three to four months.
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By Michael Finnegan

The Republic of Korea (ROK)’s pledge to return to Afghanistan after more than two years of absence can be viewed in several ways – as a domestic political breakthrough, as a recognition of Korea’s interests in the world, or as a reflection of an evolving alliance with the United States. Perhaps it is all of these and more. The full motivation for the decision and specific plans to implement the mission will not be clear until the Lee Myung-bak administration explains its rationale and plans for deployment to the Korean people. As he does so, President Lee Myung-bak should avoid the mistakes of past Korean administrations by clearly articulating South Korea’s national interests and strategic rationale for the deployment.

Read the full piece published in the January Center for U.S.-Korea Policy newsletter.

Michael Finnegan is a Senior Research Associate at the National Bureau of Asian Research. He was a panelist at a Center for U.S.-Korea Policy-Brookings conference earlier this month.

By Karl Inderfurth and Ted Eliot

With Hamid Karzai declared the winner of Afghanistan’s highly controversial presidential election, President Obama’s decision regarding future U.S. policy toward that country is considered imminent. As part of his deliberations, Mr. Obama has received the assessment of his military commanders, the advice of his top civilian leaders, and the views of NATO allies, among others.

Now there is one more piece of information that should be added to this mix, namely what the Afghan people are thinking.
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President Obama will wrap up his Asia trip with a visit to South Korea today, where negotiations over North Korea’s nuclear ambitions will undoubtedly be high on the list of talking points. Perhaps not on the agenda, but on the minds of both leaders are the mounting development challenges around the globe.

To address such challenges, The Asia Foundation, in cooperation with KDI School of Public Policy and Management and the Korean Association of International Development and Cooperation, will hold a conference November 24-25 in Seoul to focus on development issues and strategies in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Pakistan.
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In Kabul on October 27, The Asia Foundation released the results of its fifth survey of Afghan public opinion. Afghanistan in 2009: A Survey of the Afghan People, conducted nationwide throughout the 34 provinces of Afghanistan, is a comprehensive, first-hand assessment of public perception on a wide range of major policy issues vital to the daily lives of Afghans. In-person interviews with 6,406 respondents took place between June 17 and July 6, prior to the national elections, and were administered by Afghan survey teams totaling 648 men and women. Covering everything from security, the economy, and governance to democratic values and the status of women, the survey provides a striking snapshot of public opinion that not only offers crucial data but also valuable insights about the problems Afghans face and the direction in which their country is moving.

The presentation, pictured below, was given in English, Dari, and Pashto by the Foundation’s deputy country representative in Afghanistan, Michael Haines, and senior program officers Fazel Rabi Haqbeen and Fazel Rabi Wardak.

At The Asia Foundation press conference in Kabul, from left to right: Senior Program Officer Fazel Rabi Haqbeen, Senior Program Officer Fazel Rabi Wardak, Deputy Country Representative Michael Haines, and an interpreter.

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The Asia Foundation’s George Varughese discusses the complexities of life in Afghanistan in a video, punctuating his commentary with highlights from Afghanistan in 2009: A Survey of the Afghan People.